1.Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, trans. Robert Baldick (New
York: Random House Vintage Books, 1962), p. 137.
2.
"Tuscan Notables on the Eve of the Renaissance," in A History of Private Life II: Revelations
of the Medieval World, ed. Georges Duby, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, Mass.,
1988), pp. 157-309 (esp. pp. 278-82 and 305-9).
3.
For a review of these, see Raymond A. Morrow and Carlos Alberto Torres, Social Theory and
Education: A Critique of Theories of Social and Cultural Reproduction (Albany, N.Y., 1995).
4.
There is no comprehensive recent account of elementary and secondary education in medieval
Europe. Useful guides to recent research on England and Italy include Robert Black, "Humanism
and Education in Renaissance Arezzo," I Tatti Studies 2 (1987), 171-237; Paul Gehl,
A Moral Art: Grammar, Society, and Culture in Trecento Florence (Ithaca, 1993) and
"Preachers, Teachers, and Translators: The Social Meaning of Language Study in Trecento
Tuscany," Viator 25 (1994), 289-323; Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance
Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300-1600 (Baltimore, 1991); Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, The
Growth of English Schooling 1340-1548 (Princeton, 1985); Nicholas Orme, Education
and Society in Medieval and Renaissance England (London, 1989) and From Childhood to
Chivalry: The Education of the English Kings and Aristocracy 1066-1530 (London, 1984).
5.
The few studies on medieval Spain that offer substantive information include Ricardo del Arco
Garay, "Un estudio de artes en Barbastro en el siglo XIII," Estudios de Edad Media de la
Corona de Aragón 3 (1947-48), 481-3; Sanç Capedevila, "Les antigues
institucions escolars de la Tarragona restaurada," Estudis Universitaris Catalans 12
(1927), 68-162; Josep Maria Casas Homs, Ambient gramatical a Barcelona durant el segle
XV (Barcelona, 1971); Antonio de La Torre y del Cerro, "Los estudios de Alcalá de
Henares anteriores a Cisneros," in Estudios dedicados a Menéndez Pidal, vol. 3
(Madrid, 1952), pp. 627-54; A. Duran i Sampere and F. Gómez Gabernet, "Las escuelas
de gramática en Cervera," Boletˇn de la Real Academica de Buenas Letras de
Barcelona 17 (1944), 5-77; José Goñi Gaztambide, "La formación
intelectual de los navarros en la Edad Media (1122-1500)," Estudios de Edad Media de la
Corona de Aragón 10 (1975), 143-303; Luis Revest Corzo, La enseñanza
en Castellón de 1374 a 1400 (Castellón, 1930); José Saˇnchís
Rivera, "La Enseñanza en Valencia en la época foral," Boletín de la
Real Academia de la Historia 108 (1936), 147-79 and 661-97; 109 (1936), 7-80; Carlos Luis
de la Vega y de Luque, "Un centro medieval de enseñanza: el estudio de artes de Teruel,"
Teruel 51 (1974), 95-114; and Vicente Vives y Liern, Las casas de los Estudios en
Valencia (Valencia, 1902).
6.Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and
Matthew Adamson (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), pp. 169-70.
7.
"Texts, Printing, Readings," in The New Cultural History, ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley and
Los Angeles, 1989), pp. 154-175 (at p. 171).
8.
The extensive modern literature on Llull varies widely in value, thanks to the intensely partisan
political and religious sentiments attached to him by Catalan nationalists and Neoscholastic
apologists since the last century. The best critical comprehensive account of his career remains
Jocelyn N. Hillgarth, Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth-Century France (Oxford,
1971); Anthony Bonner offers a useful concise account in his introduction to Doctor
Illuminatus: A Ramon Llull Reader (Princeton, N. J., 1993). For specialized studies on the
various aspects of Llull's work, consult Rudolf Brummer, Bibliographia Lulliana: Ramon-Llull-Schrifttum 1870-1973 (Hildesheim, 1976); Marcel Salleras i Carolà, "Bibliografia
lul.liana (1974-1984)," Randa 19 (1986), 153-98.
9.
In 1311 some of his admirers at Paris composed a quasi-hagiographic Vita, perhaps to
support his petitions to the Council of Vienne; the best edition of this text is Miquel Batllori and J.
N. Hillgarth, eds., Vida de Ramon Llull: les fonts escrites i la iconografia coetà
nies (Barcelona, 1982). Also extant are a handful of letters and other documents regarding
Llull's affairs, but these give frustratingly few details about his intellectual or spiritual concerns.
10.
For a summary of Llull's notoriously difficult methods, see my Spiritual Logic of Ramon
Llull (Oxford, 1987), pp. 15-27.
11.
All references are to chapter and paragraph from Libre de Blanquerna escrit a Montpeller
devers lany M.CC.lxxxiiij, ed. Salvador Galmés and Miquel Ferrà, Obres de
Ramon Lull 9 (Palma de Mallorca, 1914). The English translation is my own.
12.
Llull's original spelling was evidently "Blaquerna," but copyists soon changed it to the form
"Blanquerna," which I retain here as the spelling most familiar to modern readers.
13.
E.g. Robert I. Burns, The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruction on a Thirteenth-Century Frontier (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 238.
14.
Juan Tusquets, seeking to maintain some empirical value for Llull's account, suggests that chapter
2 perhaps draws on the experiences of Llull's son Dominic; see his "¨Ha influído
Ramón Lull en la evolución de la escuela elemental?" Revista española
de pedagogía 18 (1960), 211-20 (at p. 212). It seems wildly anachronistic to argue
that Llull's representation of education in Blanquerna anticipates specific modern practices
of experimental pedagogy, graduated curricula, aptitude tests, or sabbatical leaves, as Tusquets
claims in Ramon Lull, pedagogo de la cristiandad (Madrid, 1954), chap. 11.
15.
As recognized by Juan Mateu Alba, "Optimismo pedagógico y alegría en Lulio,"
Revista española de pedagogía 17 (1959), 75-82 (at p. 76); Tusquets, "¨Ha
influído Ramón Lull?" pp. 215-16; or David Viera, "Les idees
pedagògiques de Ramon Llull i de Francesc Eiximenis: estudi comparatiu," Estudios
Lulianos 25 (1981-83), 227-42 (at p. 231).
16.
On Llull's doctrine of the "two intentions," see my Spiritual Logic of Ramon Llull, pp. 16-18.
17.
On the logic of such representations, see James Collins, "Determination and Contradiction: An
Appreciation and Critique of the Work of Pierre Bourdieu on Language and Education," in
Bourdieu: Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun, Edward LiPuma, and Moishe Postone
(Chicago, 1993), pp. 116-38 (at p. 120).
18.
This material is well studied by Jole Agrimi and Chiara Crisciani, Medicina del corpo e
medicina dell'anima: Note sul sapere del medico fino all'inizio del secolo XIII (Milan, 1978).
Llull himself contributed two texts to this popular ethical genre: Principles of Medicine
and Medicine for Sin. See Liber principiorum medicinae, in Raimundi Lulli
Opera 1 (Mainz, 1721), s.p., and Medicina de peccat, ed. Salvador Galmés,
Obres de Ramon Lull 20 (Palma de Mallorca, 1938), pp. 3-205.
19.
For an introduction, see Lester Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval
Europe (Ithaca, N. Y., 1978), esp. p. 179.
20.
An excellent study of this practice is Duane Osheim, "Conversion, Conversi, and the
Christian Life in Late Medieval Tuscany," Speculum 58 (1983), 368-90.Š
21.
E.g. the Elucidarium, 1.188-200, ed. Yves Lefèvre as L'Elucidarium et les
lucidaires: Contribution, par l'histoire d'un texte, à l'histoire des croyances religieuses en
France au moyen âge (Paris, 1954), p. 396-401.
22.
Compare the examples cited by La Roncière, "Tuscan Notables," pp. 278-79.
23.
On the more limited role, see La Roncière, "Tuscan Notables," p. 279. On mothers as
teachers of their children, see Nicole Bériou, "Femmes et prédicateurs: la
transmission de la foi aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles," in La Religion de ma mère:
les femmes et la transmission de la foi, ed. Jean Delumeau (Paris, 1992), pp. 51-69.
24.
For example, the claims cataloged in Alcuin Blamires, ed., Woman Defamed and Woman
Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts (Oxford, 1992), pp. 250-58.
25.
Cf. the eleventh- and twelfth-century examples analyzed by C. Stephen Jaeger, The Origins of
Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals 939-1210 (Philadelphia,
1985), pp. 30 and 127-75.
26.
Llull's perspective illustrates the general trends in medieval Christian ethics described by Michel
Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley
(New York, 1978).
27.
See Language and Symbolic Power, pp. 61-62 and 96-101.
28.
Typical examples, among many, are the English guide The Good Wife Taught Her
Daughter, ed. Tauno F. Mustanoja (Helsinki, 1948), pp. 158-72, and the Castilian manual
Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas, in Dos obras didácticas y dos
leyendas, ed. Hermann Knust (Madrid, 1878), pp. 249-95.
29.Doctrina pueril, ed. Mateu Obrador i Bennassar, Obres de Ramon Llull 1 (Ciutat de
Mallorca, 1906), pp. 1-199.
30.
On Llull's anti-academic views, see my Evangelical Rhetoric of Ramon Llull (New York,
1995), pp. 17-20.
31.
On their circumstances, see Jacques Pacquet, "Coût des études, pauvreté et
labeur: fonction et métiers d'étudiants du moyen âge," History of
Universities 2 (1982), 15-52 and Paul Trio, "Financing of University Students in the Middle
Ages: A New Orientation," History of Universities 4 (1984), 1-24.
32. See Danièle Alexandre-Bidon, "La lettre volée: appendre a lire a
l'enfant au Moyen Age," Annales Economies Sociétés Civilisations 44
(1989), 953-92.
33.
Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, pp. 40, 50, and 56.
34.
See Capdevila, "Les antigues institucions escolars," pp. 71-4.
35.
On Spanish examples of these schools, see especially Del Arco Garay, "Un estudio de artes en
Barbastro;" Capedevila, "Les antigues institucions escolars," pp. 86-89; De La Torre y del Cerro,
"Los estudios de Alcalá de Henares"; Duran i Sampere and Gómez Gabernet,
"Las escuelas de gramática en Cervera"; Revest Corzo, La enseñanza en
Castellón; Sanchís Rivera, "La Enseñanza en Valencia en la
época foral"; De la Vega y de Luque, "Un centro medieval de enseñanza"; and
Vives y Liern, Las casas de los Estudios en Valencia.
36.
Much medical training in the Crown of Aragon did not depend on academic dissemination. See
Luis García-Ballester, Michael R. McVaugh, and Agustín Rubió-Vela,
Medical Licensing and Learning in Fourteenth-Century Valencia, Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society 79.6 (Philadelphia, 1989).
37.
See her Mirror of Simple Souls, trans. Ellen L. Babinsky (New York, 1993), pp. 5-26.
38.
See Charles T. Davis, "Education in Dante's Florence," Speculum 40 (1965), 415-35; rprt.
in Dante's Italy and Other Essays (Philadelphia, 1984), pp. 137-65.
39.
On this much-debated circumstance from his still obscure period of self-education, see my
comments in The Evangelical Rhetoric of Ramon Llull, pp. 5-7.
40.Proverbis de Ramon 276.4 and 276.20, ed. Salvador Galmés, Obres de Ramon
Llull 14 (Palma de Mallorca, 1928), pp. 1-2.
41.
That is, the power, authority, legitimacy, or status that accompanies any skill, competence, or
knowledge distributed unequally through competition in the cultural market; see Language and
Symbolic Power, pp. 55-56.
42.
See Richard F. Green, Poets and Princepleasers: Literature and the English Court in the Late
Middle Ages (Toronto, 1980), p. 73.
43.
Miguel Gual Camarena, El primer manual hispánico de mercadería (siglo
XIV) (Barcelona, 1981), pp. 57-60.
44.
See Jocelyn N. Hillgarth, "Raymond Lull et l'utopie," Estudios Lulianos 25 (1981-83),
175-85; Vicente Servera, "Utopie et histoire: Les postulats théoriques de la praxis
missionaire," in Raymond Lulle et le Pays d'Oc, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 22 (Toulouse, 1987),
pp. 191-229; or Helen Wieruszowski, "Ramon Lull et l'idée de la Cité de Dieu,"
Estudis Franciscans 47 (1935), 87-110.
45.
Anthony Bonner offers one possible line of inquiry in "L'Art lul.liana com a autoritat alternativa,"
Studia Lulliana 33 (1993), 15-32.
46.Education and Society, p. 50.